Royal Visit to Cork 1903

Royal Visit to Cork 1903.

Royal Visit to Cork 1903

Presenting a part of the Murphy-Proud Collection of RARE 19th Century Illustrations from the original newspapers of the Illustrated London News (ILN) and the Graphic.

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Murphy-Proud Introduction PDF



This LARGE framed and matted original print depicts The Royal Visit to Cork 1903.

This scene evokes memories of the Anglo-Saxon influence on Irish Society during the 19th and early 20th Century.

The scenes were sketched and recorded by “A. Forrester.” and appeared in a full page spread of “The ILN” newspaper on 3rd August 1903.

The Scenes feature 2 scenes:

The Presentation of Addresses at the Exhibition Building in Cork, and

Their Majesties Departure from Cork: The Scene at the Platform at Glanmire Station 

The Print is headlined : ” His Majesty’s Great Conciliatory Visit to Ireland: Scene at Cork August 1.” 




After five years of ’98 commemorations, actively militant opposition to the Boer War and the imminent passage of what was to become known as the Wyndham Land Act, unionists faced the prospect of two more potentially inflammatory commemorations: the centennial of Robert Emmet’s rebellion (23 July) and of his execution (20 September). In the eyes of the radical Irish nationalist press, therefore, the staging of the Gordon Bennett Cup race (2–14 July) and the first royal visit of King Edward VII (19–27 July)—announced within days of one another in late March—were calculated to upstage the centennial and to bolster the morale of increasingly apprehensive unionists.

Nationalist opposition
The enabling legislation to stage the Gordon Bennett Cup race in Ireland, long discussed in
motoring circles since Selwyn Edge’s win in July 1902, received royal assent on 27 March 1903. Four days later came the announcement that King Edward VII would make his first royal visit to Ireland. This provoked an immediate and predictable controversy. Recalling the protests over the visit of Queen Victoria only two years previously and the refusal of the Irish Party to participate in the ceremonies that marked the coronation of her son (1902), Irish public opinion became stridently divided, especially in Dublin. In ‘advanced nationalist’ circles, just as on those recent occasions the queen’s visit had been seen as a ploy to recruit soldiers for the Boer War, and attendance at the coronation asimplying loyalty to an illegitimate sovereign power, so was the political allegiance of Dublin Corporation to be again put to an uncomfortable public test. The debate on the particular issue of whether or not to accord the king a formal address of welcome to the city became a hot topic around dinner tables, in bars and at every public meeting between March and July.

Edward VII at his coronation in 1902. The Irish Party refused to participate in the ceremonies.

Edward VII at his coronation in 1902. The Irish Party refused to participate in the ceremonies.

While the visit was public and official, proponents of a statement of respect (led by Lord Lieutenant Dudley) resorted to appeals for ‘common courtesy’ and to ‘traditions of Irish hospitality’. Moderate opinion held that it was in Ireland’s interest to cultivate the benignity of the royal couple: by declaring his intention to visit, Edward was signalling his approval of the land act on its way through parliament (and he was, moreover, rumoured to favour personally even Home Rule). Radical (or, as The Times of London termed them, ‘professional’) nationalists took the view that all of these arrangements—ceremonial, sporting and legislative—were constituents of a coordinated programme in the imperial cajoling of the public will. Their political purpose was to renew in the minds and hearts of the Irish people pride in and gratitude for their membership of the world’s greatest empire and loyalty to its genial monarch.From the start, the race had its critics. Besides the perennial cranks and Luddites, the ancestors of today’s Greens saw in the smoke, the smell and the hurtling vehicles threats to the rural placidity of Irish agricultural life. More concerted objections came from the radical nationalist press, most notably the Irish People (William O’Brien), The Leader (D.P. Moran), An Claidheamh Soluis (Patrick Pearse) and, most persistently, The United Irishman (Arthur Griffith). On 13 June Griffith wrote:

‘The motor race is one of the symbols of that “union of hearts”, which, according to the newspapers, we are now witnessing in Ireland; perhaps the smell which the motor-car leaves behind is symbolic, too . . . At the bottom of all this motor racing, however, there is not even any kind of sporting feeling, such as it is. It is simply a commercial venture between rival manufacturers, and one of the inspired statements issued to the Irish press recommends the thing on the ground that if an English-made car wins, it will greatly stimulate the motor industry in “this country”. The geography of the Automobile Club is like Lord Charles Beresford’s history. But in this sentence we have an indication of what is at the basis of the whole business.’

Arthur Griffith—‘. . . perhaps the smell which the motor-car leaves behind is symbolic, too . . .’. (George Morrison)

Arthur Griffith—‘. . . perhaps the smell which the motor-car leaves behind is symbolic, too . . .’. (George Morrison)

In parallel with this brief controversy, the prospect of King Edward’s visit—and the degree of recognition it was to receive officially—was the subject of a long-running and acrimonious debate at meetings of Dublin Corporation. One such meeting—which saw Edward Martyn, Maud Gonne and Arthur Griffith make vociferous objections to the motion to accord the king a cordial welcome—came close to blows and became known as ‘the battle of the Rotunda’. The newspapers carried letters from prominent citizens supporting Griffith and Gonne, among them Yeats and George Moore. In language that applied equally to the euphoria promoted by sponsors of the car race, Yeats vigorously rebuked the hype surrounding royal visits:

‘. . . with their pageantry, their false rumours of concessions, their appeal to all that is superficial and trivial in society, [they] are part of the hypnotic illusion by which England seeks to take captive the imagination of this country, and appeal to what are chiefly money interests’.

George Moore protested the king’s visit by having his front door at Ely Place painted green, much to the annoyance of his unionist neighbours. To express his disdain for the bishops’ entertaining of the king at Maynooth, in a scornful letter to the Irish Times he declared himself a Protestant. Yeats asked whether he could expect to read that ‘Cardinal Logue had “something on” Sceptre and that Archbishop Walsh has “a little bit of all right” for the Chester Cup’.
In the pages of the United Irishman, Griffith pushed such sectarian carping further in two signal ways. He argued that hosting the race and the royal visit dishonoured Irish religious, cultural and political traditions and denigrated the memory of Emmet’s rebellion. He was at least half-correct. On the precise centennial of this last effort of the United Irishmen, 23 July, the king and his cavalcade were riding in state through the very same streets—Dame, Thomas and (yes) Emmet—which had seen the brief and ineffectual action led by the iconic patriot and martyr. Accompanying Edward and his queen, Alexandra, George Wyndham observed that the onlookers

‘. . . became merely delirious. They worked themselves into an ecstasy and all sang God Save the King. The queen kept pointing to this or that tatterdemalion saying “the poorer they are, Mr Wyndham, the louder they cheer”. There was ever and always the same intense emotion. It brought tears to the queen’s eyes, and a lump in my throat . . . here was a whole population in hysteria.’

Queen Alexandra at St Patrick’s College, Maynooth. To express his disdain for the bishops’ entertaining of the royal couple, George Moore, in a scornful letter to the Irish Times, declared himself a Protestant. (MultiText)

Queen Alexandra at St Patrick’s College, Maynooth. To express his disdain for the bishops’ entertaining of the royal couple, George Moore, in a scornful letter to the Irish Times, declared himself a Protestant. (MultiText)

In the event, the crowds greeting the monarch that day were dwarfed by the estimated 100,000 thronging the same streets on 20 September.
Whereas Moore and Yeats had their moments in print, Griffith’s single-mindedness turned the occasion into an opportunity for serious, long-term, non-violent action for Home Rule. He was already engaged in organising an Irish Industrial Exhibition to further his ‘buy Irish’ campaign in opposition to the International Exhibition sponsored by William Martin Murphy and the earl of Drogheda. He then formed the National Council, which morphed into Sinn Féin (January 1904). Within two years his new formation was offering a serious political challenge to the Irish Party, which he could represent as having allowed itself to be co-opted by colonial interests. His Resurrection of Hungary (serialised in the United Irishman during the first six months of 1904 and published as a whole in September)


James Joyce, pictured here in Paris, December 1902—a sympathetic eyewitness to these events and a subscriber to Griffith’s The United Irishman. His three most politically aggressive stories—‘After the Race’, ‘Ivy Day in the Committee Room’ and ‘A Mother’—are arch responses to Griffith’s efforts protesting the car race and the king’s visit. (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University)

James Joyce, pictured here in Paris, December 1902—a sympathetic eyewitness to these events and a subscriber to Griffith’s The United Irishman. His three most politically aggressive stories—‘After the Race’, ‘Ivy Day in the Committee Room’ and ‘A Mother’—are arch responses to Griffith’s efforts protesting the car race and the king’s visit. (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University)

argued for a devolutionary process modelled on the successful efforts of the Hungarians to establish a dual monarchy relatively free of the traditional hegemony of the Viennese Hapsburgs. In a stroke that craftily drew on the emotions stirred by the popular controversy the previous July over the Gordon Bennett Cup race and the king’s visit, Griffith argued that Ferenc Deák’s refusal to accord Emperor Franz Josef a royal welcome when visiting Buda Pesth, ostensibly for a race meeting, in 1865 was the first moral step towards the liberation of the Magyars from the thrall of Austrian hegemony.Griffith’s stamina in pursuing legitimate pacific protest had such relatively humble but parallel beginnings, eventually leading to the triumph of Sinn Féin in the 1918 general election. The tactics and politics pursued by the first Dáil were those outlined in The resurrection of Hungary, which had its origins in the opportunities of midsummer 1903. Griffith’s moral courage and political intelligence transformed casual incidents into axial events.
A sympathetic eyewitness to these events was Griffith’s most gifted subscriber to the United Irishman, James Joyce. His three most politically aggressive stories—‘After the Race’, ‘Ivy Day in the Committee Room’ and ‘A Mother’—are arch responses to Griffith’s efforts protesting the car race and the king’s visit, and his sponsorship of the Irish Industrial Exhibition. These political rituals (and the Emmet centennial rally registered in the ‘Cyclops’ episode of Ulysses) are the only significant historical events that became the occasions of Joyce’s fiction. They were made historical by the virtues that Griffith shared with that fierce defender of the national treasure and traditional enemy of imperial horsepower, the Gryphon, the ‘Gryffygryffygryffs’ of Finnegans Wake.



As previously discussed, the 19th Century was a time of great upheaval in Ireland.

In the mid-19th Century you had the disastrous Potato Famine, mass death and emigration, mass tenant evictions and the formation of groups like the Land League, Home Rule and the Irish Republican Brotherhood or Fenians'.

Much of this discontent, was due to the GLARINGLY OBVIOUS problems with the class system that was operated, pretty much, throughout the British Empire.....but very OBVIOUSLY in Ireland. 

In Ireland, you had the Upper Class or Lorded Gentry who were 'top of the pile' (in every sense)........they lived in luxury and their lifestyles were mainly supported on the backs of tenant farmers who paid most of what they earned or grew to the local Lord or Landlord, in tithe or rent.

Then you had the middle class (or more like....Upper Middle Class). They were mainly people engaged in the 'noble' professions like, Lawyers, Barristers, Doctors, Civil Servants, Rent Agents, Shopkeepers, etc. They lived a comfortable lifestyle and were predominantly.......loyal to the British Empire.

In Ireland, these people were commonly referred to by the poorer Irish people and rebels, as "West-Brits" due to their Anglophile natures and English type accents and lifestyles.

To this day....this phrase or tag is still used in Ireland to refer to Anglophiles.

Then, you had the 'Lower Classes".....or 'The Working Classes'.........OR IN THE CASE of Ireland in the 19th Century.....'The Poor Class" !!

The latter, were made up of Irish people living in slums in the Cities (like Dublin, Cork, Limerick and Galway) 'scratching' a living as best they could and small tenant farmers and their families living in the Countryside.

POVERTY was rife....STARVATION was rife.

Emigration was the ONLY hope for most..............and even this was unaffordable to many of them.

It cost money to book a passage to a new life in the "New World' ! 

Many were so poor and hungry they did not even survive the trans-Atlantic voyage......hence the term "Coffin Ships" !

This Sketch is clearly targeting the English market. The best of Irish Society enjoying the King's Visit......all fun, elegance and tranquility.

The Irish are clearly loyal Monarchists !!

Again, do not forget.....this was a British publication.....for a British audience or an audience loyal to the British Empire.

Either way, this piece is a glorious historical record of times past.

The sketcher was "Sydney P. Hall".



Royal Visit to Cork 1903.

This is an ORIGINAL copy of the print or illustration and is from the Graphic's edition of the 3rd August 1903.



The Illustrated London News was the world's first illustrated weekly news magazine; its inaugural issue appeared on Saturday, 14 May 1842. The magazine was published weekly until 1971, and less frequently thereafter. Publication ceased in 2003. The company continues today as Illustrated London News Ltd., a publishing, content and digital agency in London, England. The publication and business archives of The Illustrated London News and the Great Eight Publications are held by Illustrated London News Ltd.

llustrated London News founder Herbert Ingram was born in Boston, Lincolnshire, in 1811, and opened a printing, newsagent and bookselling business in Nottingham around 1834 in partnership with his brother-in-law, Nathaniel Cooke.[1] As a newsagent, Ingram was struck by the reliable increase in newspaper sales when they featured pictures and shocking stories. Ingram began to plan a weekly newspaper that would contain pictures in every edition.[2]

Ingram rented an office, recruited artists and reporters, and employed as his editor Frederick William Naylor Bayley (1808–1853), formerly editor of the National Omnibus. The first issue of The Illustrated London News appeared on Saturday, 14 May 1842, timed to report on the young Queen Victoria's first masquerade ball.[3] Its 16 pages and 32 wood engravings covered topics such as the war in Afghanistan, a train crash in France, a survey of the candidates for the US presidential election, extensive crime reports, theatre and book reviews, and a list of births, marriages and deaths. Ingram hired 200 men to carry placards through the streets of London promoting the first edition of his new newspaper.[4]

Costing sixpence, the first issue sold 26,000 copies. Despite this initial success, sales of the second and subsequent editions were disappointing. However, Ingram was determined to make his newspaper a success, and sent every clergyman in the country a copy of the edition which contained illustrations of the installation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by this means secured a great many new subscribers.

Its circulation soon increased to 40,000 and by the end of its first year was 60,000. In 1851, after the newspaper published Joseph Paxton's designs for the Crystal Palace before even Prince Albert had seen them, the circulation rose to 130,000. In 1852, when it produced a special edition covering the funeral of the Duke of Wellington, sales increased to 150,000; and in 1855, mainly due to the newspaper reproducing some of Roger Fenton's pioneering photographs of the Crimean War (and also due to the abolition of the Stamp Act that taxed newspapers), it sold 200,000 copies per week.[4]

Competitors soon began to appear: Lloyd’s Illustrated Paper was founded later that year, while Reynold's Newspaper'' opened in 1850; both were successful Victorian publications, albeit less successful than The Illustrated London News.[5] Andrew Spottiswoode's Pictorial Times lost £20,000 before it was sold to Ingram by Henry Vizetelly, who had left the ILN to found it.[6] Ingram folded it into another purchase, The Lady's Newspaper, which became The Lady's Newspaper and Pictorial Times. Vitezelly was also behind a later competitor, The Illustrated Times in 1855, which was similarly bought out by Ingram in 1859.[5]

Ingram's other early collaborators left the business in the 1850s. Nathanial Cooke, his business partner and brother-in-law, found himself in a subordinate role in the business and parted on bad terms around 1854. 1858 saw the departure of William Little, who, in addition to providing a loan of £10,000, was printer and publisher of the paper for 15 years. Little's relationship with Ingram deteriorated over Ingram's harassment of their mutual sister-in-law.[1]

Herbert Ingram died on 8 September 1860 in a paddle-steamer accident on Lake Michigan, and he was succeeded as proprietor by his youngest son, William, who in turn was succeeded by his son, Sir Bruce Ingram (1877–1963) in 1900, who remained as editor until his death.





This Book deals with the Artist....Mr. Aloysius O’Kelly.


The Murphy-Proud Collection is a large Privately acquired and held collection of ORIGINAL Illustrated London News (and some from the Graphic) illustrations from the 19th and early 20th centuries........all featuring Irish related stories, themes and illustrations. They have been in the family's ownership and possession for some time and are only now being released for sale.

What makes these illustrations ALL THE MORE INTERESTING historically, is the fact that they view the 'Irish Problem" from a distinctly British point of view. After all, the Illustrated London News was a London publication. The illustrations can even be categorized as being British propaganda pieces. You will note that many of the descriptions of the Irish and the events unfolding are dealt with in a manner that is 'less sympathetic' to the Irish point of view and much more leaning towards the 'troublemaker', 'vagabond' depiction of the Irish !! They are Historically accurate in that the events did happen......but distinctly 'biased' in their interpretations of what was happening !!! This makes them an ABSOLUTELY FASCINATING historical record.

Royal Visit to Cork 1903.

This is your chance to acquire an ORIGINAL piece of Irish History from the dates when the events were ACTUALLY OCCURRING !!

These are not to be confused with reprints that are available to buy online.


Certificate of Authenticity Illustrations

If you are Irish, Irish-American, Anglo-Irish or just a lover of all things historic then these prints are for you !!

Check out the Murphy-Proud Collection in greater detail on our Website and see the vast array of Irish related topics dealt with by these illustrations ............

you are BOUND to find one or more that you will love and MUST HAVE !!

Also, check out the other Illustrations dealing with this and other Royal Visits to Ireland.

Royal Visit to Cork 1903.

Condition: Overall in near MINT condition.  It has been framed in a simple plain black frame with acid free matting and back board.

Provenance: From the Murphy-Proud Family

The Framing and Matting alone is worth $150.00.

Dimensions: 20.5" x  15.75" in Frame

Price: $375.00 SALE PRICE NOW: $325.00